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Despite outcry, EU guidelines on settlements will have little effect

Not only do the EU guidelines do very little to affect the occupation economy, they may also bestow legitimization on commercial activities that, despite supposedly taking place within the Green Line, yield huge occupation-born profits.

חרם על ההתנחלויות? לא בדיוק

בניגוד לדיווחים המבולבלים בתקשורת, משמעות ההנחיות החדשות של האיחוד האירופי אינה חרם על ההתנחלויות, והן בכלל מבטאות תפיסה מוטעית של שתי מערכות כלכליות נפרדות בין גבולות 67'. ועדיין – מדובר בתקדים

مقاطعة المُستوطنات؟ ليس تمامًا

بعكس التّقارير المُشوّشة في الإعلام، فإنّ الإرشادات الجديدة للاتّحاد الأوروبّي لا تعني مقاطعة المُستوطنات، إضافة إلى أنّها تعكس إدراكًا مغلوطًا بموجبه هنالك منظومتين اقتصاديّتين منفصلتين قائمتين بين جهّتي حدود الـ1967. مع ذلك - فالأمر بمثابة سابقة.

G4S equips the apartheid wall, Israel confirms / Adri Nieuwhof

Published in the Electronic Intifada website

Who Profits? / Naomi Greenshpan

Who profits from the Boycott Prohibition Law? 

The political implications of a legal prohibition on a civil society boycott are devastating, and it's obvious who it targets and why. The real aim of the law is to silence and scare civilians from resisting the Israeli military occupation and apartheid policies towards the Palestinian people.

מי מרוויח? / נעמי גרינשפן

מי מרוויח מחוק החרם?

מטרתו האמיתית של החוק היא השתקה והפחדה של אזרחיות ואזרחים מהתנגדות למדיניות הכיבוש והאפרטהייד הישראלי. דרישה להתישר עם הכלל, ללכת בתלם מתוך פחד. ניסיון ברור למנוע מאזרחים לשאול שאלות בסיסיות על כלכלה, רווחה ותחומים נוספים המושפעים מהכיבוש ומשפיעים על חייהם.

Economic Envelopment: Three Turning Points in Forty Years of Economic and Military Domination\ Lev Grinberg

Ever since the first days of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, a peculiar pattern of military-economic domination over the Palestinian population has become established, which has hardly changed since. It was established in 1967-1968, modified slightly following the 1993 Oslo Accords, and reached crisis proportions following the IDF’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip in 2005. In the following article, I present a politicaleconomic
analysis of this domination pattern and the changes it has seen over the past forty years. This analysis diverges from those offered by mainstream economists, who tend to neglect relations of power and domination due to epistemological constraints of their discipline.

Matrix in Bil‘in/ Gadi Algazi

It is all too easy for opponents of the occupation and peace activists in Israel to imagine that they are facing fanatic, nationalist settlers, while they themselves are exemplars of enlightenment and progress. But in fact they are up against an elaborate coalition, of hard and soft, wild and civil colonialists. It extends from the messianic nationalist right to the defense industries and reasonable capitalists, from the radical ideological settlers the “quality of life settlers”, living in their isolated and clean towns on both sides of the Green Line. Here the struggle is harder precisely because the social origins and class position of those on both sides are not very different. But the challenge is yet more complex. The colonization process is built on social misery and poor people’s pressing needs, just as the separation fence is built on fears, real and imagined, amplified by daily propaganda. It draws in young couples from the slums of Jerusalem and it enrolls new immigrants from the Russian Federation, who found themselves in the heart of the West Bank..

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